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Una vez armados los habitantes de Varsovia, tomaron el control de la ciudad. Hubo manifestaciones y se reprimieron con dureza. Los insurrectos polacos se organizaron en guerrillas y pronto tomaron el poder de las zonas rurales. Sin embargo, los rusos siguieron dominando la Ciudadela de Varsovia y las ciudades.

De esta forma, en las elecciones de , la Endecja se hizo con los 34 diputados asignados a Polonia. Al terminar la batalla, apenas Este repliegue fue aprovechado por los rusos en la batalla de Rawa en las que las tropas del Emperador sufrieron De esta forma, gracias a los movimientos de los alemanes en el norte, quienes amenazaban Varsovia, los rusos tuvieron que abandonar el sitio de Przemysl. Finalmente el 22 de marzo de los Los siguientes meses fueron de pasividad. La batalla produjo unas La Segunda Guerra Mundial comenzaba.

En Danzig los combates, llevados a cabo por unidades paramilitares, fueron encarnizados, destacando la defensa de la oficina de Correos polaca. Muchos de los trabajadores polacos fueron asesinados tras rendirse.

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En total, los polacos perdieron Las bajas totales polacas ascendieron a Unos Such exhibitions aimed to be object lessons about those beliefs, and often, indeed, their vestiges became the symbols of modern cities. But a late-nineteenth-century world's fair was also invariably a magnificent show, an "oasis of fantasy and fable at a time of crisis and impending violence.


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To investigate the nineteenth-century world's fairs is to grasp the internal composition of the awareness of modernity. The fairs embodied and fostered primary components of nineteenth-century modern existence: the belief in positive, universal, and homogeneous truth; the presumption of freedom achieved and the inherent contradictions of this idea; the concept of ending history by recapitulating the past and controlling the future that is, the potential for considering the present as the best of all possible times, which has already revealed the essential course of the future ; and the creed of nationalism as an intrinsic part of both international cosmopolitanism and economic imperialism.

These ideas guide this study, leading it both to the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. In the last part of the nineteenth century, the ultimate foundations of progress were held to be science and industry. Both were paranational, natural, objective, and unstoppable forms of human production and knowledge. The world's order and self-confidence were set accordingly.

The era of progress assembled an ideal picture of itself, and this picture became the optimal model of how the world ought to be. Only modern times were capable of delimiting a comprehensive view of how all that belonged to them looked. Once this modern world picture emerged, cosmopolitanism was made possible in all spheres: science, art, costumes, and technology.

As a common experience of accelerated time and simultaneity, since its inception the modern world picture was composed of various and often contradictory versions. And yet, as a more or less harmonious abstraction, the. After all, what has been regarded as modern has never referred to the real world; it has conformed to notions about the most advanced and optimal world as made publicly intelligible by economic, political, and intellectual elites.

Nineteenth-century universal exhibitions were consciously erected to satisfy the requirements of this comprehensive picture; in turn, they reinforced the authenticity of such a picture. They were conceived to be a miniature but complete version of modern totality. And in the quest for universalism and completeness, world's fairs reincarnated the principle that had fostered late-eighteenth-century encyclopedias: they reinforced the possibility of conceiving a general picture of the world. They epitomized what Ortega called "the disquieting birth of a new reliance based on mathematical reasoning.

Therefore, the idea of modern became an unobtainable and supreme metaphor, one which nonetheless was included in each thing that was thought to be modern. World's fairs were thus selective versions of the picture they aimed to represent.


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  6. They were moments when industry and science could exist with all of their virtues and none of their imperfections. They were natural residences of industrial innovation, as well as of scientific and commercial development.

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    Therefore, nineteenth-century world's fairs were indeed petite cosmos of modernity formed, observed, and copied for all modern nations—extravagant spectacles for the confirmation of universal truths. For today's historians, it is not clear whether the exhibits at world's fairs aimed to confirm belief in scientific and industrial progress by making the beliefs come true or aspired to be celebrations that honored those universal truths in a quasi-religious way with countless symbolic appeals: the challenge of the weight and strength of a steel building, the numerous industrial, commercial, and social statistics, the bright reality of electric lights, and the very altitude of the Eiffel Tower.

    This study examines how Mexico joined the world's fair circuit in order to learn, imitate, and publicize its own possession of the universal truths of progress, science, and industry. It shows how the Mexican elite, in doing so, had to confront an ideal reality that was difficult to understand in its full scope and simultaneity. Yet it was easy to imitate. Consequently, Mexico had to undertake an additional selection in the already selective nature of world's fairs, in order to make the idea of the modern world even more suitable for the Mexican elites' own circumstances and interests.

    That additional selection is what came to be known as Mexican: Mexican sciences, Mexican art, Mexican nationhood. In participating in world's fairs, however, the Mexican elites learned the universal truths in order to consolidate their national and international integrity. In fact, they mastered what was fundamental in those universal truths: form, style, and facade. This mastery was especially visible in three aspects of Mexico's presence at late-nineteenth-century fairs: the scientific exhibits, the statistical demonstrations, and the constant use of a scientific discourse to express everything from an understanding of public administration to the effects of pulque on the Indian population; from the measurement of skulls to the calculation of the resistance of the hymens of Mexican women.

    These tools were used to emphasize the necessary components of a modern nation: a well-defined and well-integrated territory, a cosmopolitan culture, good sanitation conditions, and a racial homogeneity that squared with Western notions of white supremacy. World's fairs promoted the idea of freedom as it has been understood in the political, economic, and social thought of the West since the late eighteenth century. Rousseau, for example, believed that history was the unfolding of human freedom to achieve self-consciousness in order to be even more free.

    In turn, belief in free economic decisions governed by invisible rules overthrew the meaning of moral economy, thus marking the beginning of neo-classical economic thought. This modern freedom was what world's fairs acclaimed. Universal exhibitions were neither carnivals of collective or individual passions nor mere rituals of harvest.

    Their festival character was, above all, the celebration of the human accomplishment of productive liberty that was epitomized in the veneration of free commerce. In the report of the Paris exposition, Alfred Picard traced the history of world's fairs back to the proclamation of freedom of commerce and industry in , when, he argued, "public administrators, learned and worried about the country's future, understood the vices and dangers of an ominous regime which kills initiative, suffocates progress, and places national production in the most humiliating situation of inferiority.

    World's fairs, then, were above all expressions of belief in the civilizing capabilities of the free market and a laissez-faire economy. They strived to be the visible and tangible attestations to the modern promises of freedom and equality. Hence a description of London's world's fair claimed that "[a] s the wind. Like the terms republic and nation , the word democracy was, of course, fundamental to the concept of modern freedom. The connotation of democracy had often changed, however. At times it tended to have a social connotation equality ; at other times it favored political aspects popular representation.

    Modern republican freedom—understood as the political and social rights granted by the French Revolution—was to democracy what in fact democracy was to late-nineteenth-century political regimes: a fundamental philosophical principle, not an indispensable practice.

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    Thus democracy, without a fixed meaning, was conceived by special, and often nondemocratic, adjectives—authoritarian, conservative, socialist, liberal, caesarean. The need for an economically or militarily strong state and the heavily nationalistic environment made democracy and its inherently ambivalent liberty dispensable though valuable components of the model modern nation.

    Economic and productive laissez-faire was at the core of the late-nineteenth-century's pride in freedom. In the great world's fairs of the nineteenth century, Mexico aspired to participate in the economic advantages and civilizing effects of commerce. The Porfirian elite created commercial commissions to promote Mexico's traditional and yet-to-be-discovered raw materials. They expected those products to give Mexico a place in the international economy.

    In turn, freedom as a political virtue was understood as peace. Mexican intellectuals followed the legal and philosophical discussions of the French Third Republic and proposed constitutional limitations to a strong government. Peace, however, was Mexico's greatest achievement and also the supreme achieved liberty that became freedom from violence and uncertainty.

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    In Mexico, as in the French Second Empire, the term democracy became synonymous with republic The concept of a Mexican republic already included as much democracy as was possible in a country that could not even attempt to hide its internal inequality and racial differences, let alone afford the luxury of effective suffrage. Therefore, the Porfirian elite decided to exhibit in universal expositions the advantages of a strong government.

    And Mexico's authoritarian and enlightened government stood in good stead at world's fairs hosted by countries like France, which, however modern, were both constantly facing the ungovernability of democracy and maneuvering its meanings. World's fairs would have not been conceivable if the concept of universal progress had not offered a chance to experience contemporaneity as a sort of culminating moment. Within the sense of progressive, linear time, all present tense became unmistakably paradise, and the various exhibited.

    Technology and progress made it possible to appreciate present time as the best of all feasible worlds, and universal expositions were the vivid confirmations of the greatness of the present tense. The understanding of the present was composed of a specific recapitulation of the past and exceptional previews of the future. In the Paris universal exposition, for instance, a pamphlet argued that "the expositions are not only days of leisure and gaiety in the midst of the toils of the people. They appear, at long intervals, as the summits from which to measure the course we have traveled.